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rubineau blog post

by Carroll Seron, Susan Silbey, Erin Cech and Brian Rubineau

Men and women tend to work in different jobs. This tendency, called occupational sex segregation, is a primary cause of the gender pay gap. A recent McKinsey study finds that reducing occupational sex segregation could contribute $2 Trillion to the U.S. economy.

Despite advances toward equality in other areas, occupational sex segregation has remained essentially unchanged over the last quarter century. What keeps some jobs dominated by men and others by women?

Looking at engineering, perhaps the most male-dominated profession, helps understand some of the drivers of occupational sex segregation. In the U.S., less than 20% of undergraduate engineering degrees go to women, and less than 13% of the current engineering workforce is female.

Much ink has been spilled describing factors that lead men to persist or women to leave engineering. Confidence, family plans, a sense of fit, and external encouragement are some such factors.

But how do these gender differences emerge? How are they experienced by students? What happens and when?

To answer these questions, we collected and analyzed twice-monthly diary entries from more than 40 engineering students across four universities during their four years of college: over 3,000 diary entries in all.

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Proxy

SEC proxy voting graphic

by Carl Gershenson

If economic sociologists can agree on anything, it’s that economic life is shaped by more than the pursuit of profits. The influence of culture and values is perhaps most apparent in markets that impinge on the sanctity of the human body: sperm and eggs, organs and plasma, even life insurance. By comparison, capital markets seem much closer to the textbook ideal of markets, where actors care little about the securities they are buying other than, “Will it make me a profit?

This view of capital markets is clear in the popular opposition between Main Street and Wall Street. If Main Street is used to invoke businesses embedded in local communities, Wall Street invokes businesses that are part of no community, beholden to no one, and willing to do anything for a buck. But why is this view so widespread that we almost take it for granted? Why should capital markets be predisposed toward the unadulterated pursuit of profit? After all, 65% of Americans owned stock before the financial crisis hit. Why would this diverse group of Americans suddenly shed their multidimensional wants and values–to suddenly embody homo economicus–whenever they put on their shareholder hat?

I argue that profit-orientation is so common in the stock market because the state wants it that way. The state values capital markets because they encourage economic growth. According to economic theory, capital markets do this most efficiently when shareholders are able to pursue their own financial interests. In order to do so effectively, shareholders need strong shareholder rights. Without shareholder rights, management would be free to prioritize its own financial interests. However, these rights could also allow shareholders to pursue goals other than their own financial interest—political goals, social goals, and so forth.

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Glasses

Image: Celine Nadeau via Flickr (CC BY-SA 2.0)

by Kevin Stainback, Sibyl Kleiner and Sheryl Skaggs

Sheryl Sandberg (COO of Facebook) may be the most well-known and influential woman in corporate America. Her 2010 TED talk entitled “Why we have too few women leaders” has been watched more than 6.1 million times. Her subsequent 2013 book, Lean in: Women and the Will to Lead, has been widely read, making both the New York Times and Amazon best sellers lists.

Sandberg argues that women “lean in” and work diligently at achieving what they want at work. In effect, regardless of the gendered biases and inequalities confronting women in the paid labor force, they should strive to do it all—a “make advances, not excuses” self-help approach. Sandberg acknowledges that women have a more difficult situation navigating both the work and the work-family nexus than men; and she hopes to inspire women to go after their ambitions despite structural obstacles.

Yet while Sandberg acknowledges some structural obstacles, the main argument of Lean In suggests that women should strive to overcome them to succeed.

Notwithstanding the criticism it has received and its overly agentic emphasis, Sandberg’s message is a powerful one—even if for no other reason than generating the fodder for conversations and debates that would otherwise be absent.

Although Sandberg and other women who have been successful in the corporate world have received enormous attention in the media, women’s representation in corporate leadership positions, such as executives and directors, remains incredibly low.

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Image AWO Saarland via Flickr (CC BY 2.0)

by Irene Boeckmann, Joya Misra & Michelle Budig

Mothers earn less than fathers and childless men on average, but also less than women without children at home. Part of these earnings difference can be explained by the work experience mothers might lose due to employment interruptions or part-time work while caring for their families.

Even after taking differences in education, labor market experience, job characteristics, work hours, and marital status, mothers still earn significantly less than women without care responsibilities.

Indeed, in a study we recently published, we find that U.S. mothers pay an earnings penalty of 8% per child.

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applicationdenied

Image: GotCredit via Flickr (CC BY 2.0)

by Sarah Thébaud and Amanda J. Sharkey

In 2010, the New York Times reported the story of Candace Fleming, a Harvard trained, HP executive who struck out in 2007 to found a new data analytics company. Fleming obtained funding from a venture firm that specializes in women-led companies, but only after being turned down by 30 conventional VCs. During this process, she experienced blatantly gendered comments and criticism. For example, one VC told her it didn’t matter what was on her business card, since all anyone would see is “Mom”. In trying to make sense of the these experiences, she mused, “…in risky times like the last couple years, some investors kind of retreat to investing via a template.” And [a company owned by a woman] “is just not the standard template.”

Is Fleming’s intuition that lenders rely more heavily on gender stereotypes during “risky times” correct? Prior research has offered mixed evidence of gender bias in lenders’ willingness to support entrepreneurs during normal macroeconomic conditions. But various theories do predict that gender bias is more likely to manifest when there is greater uncertainty and when decision-makers’ choices are under greater scrutiny from others—two hallmark features of the lending environment during the economic downturn. In fact, the small business investment market was particularly hard hit by the recession, with total investment contracting 18 percentage points between 2008 and 2011.

In a recent study, we took on this issue by examining data from the Kauffman Firm Survey, a panel study that followed financing strategies and outcomes for a single group of entrepreneurial ventures between 2007 and 2011.

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moneytree

Image: Emma Line via Flickr (CC BY-NC-ND 2.0)

by Andrew Gunnoe

In the wake of the 2008-09 financial crisis, there has been a steady outpouring of social scientific research examining various aspects of what is now commonly referred to as the “financialization of the US economy.” Although debate continues on the exact definition of this concept, most analysts generally agree that it refers to the increasing importance of the financial sector in broader economy.

The concept of financialization originated during the early 1990s in the works of several political economists – most notably Giovanni Arrighi and Paul Sweezy – in order to describe and theorize the growth of financial forms of accumulation that were then taking place in the capitalist system. Despite some important differences, these theorists shared a common methodological approach that situated financialization within the context of historical capitalism.

Economic sociologists, writing during the same period, began focusing on changes taking place in corporate governance. Neil Fligstein, in particular, developed a dynamic theory of corporate control that described contemporary changes in corporate governance in terms of what he called a “shareholder value conception of control.” This shareholder value conception of control holds that the primary metric of success lie in the ability of managers to increase shareholder returns.

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teamwork-382677_1920by Karla Erickson

How do we make sense of our lives and choices when we are told we are living amidst decline? As one way of thinking about the consequences on self-making in the post-recession economy, I have embarked on a new study of young workers called Millennials Navigating Lean Times, which uses interviews and observations of students from the millennial generation as they transition from college and make sense of opportunity, failure, luck and choice in the post-recession economy.

By interviewing graduates between 2000 and 2015, I capture their surprise, frustration, and how they make sense of opportunity and failure as they encounter a dramatically different world than the one encountered by their parents. Since 2013, along with two undergraduate research teams, I have interviewed 30 recent graduates of liberal arts schools asking questions about turning points in their careers, decision points, achievements, failures, and what they have learned about themselves from their working lives. The terrain on which they attempt to build adult lives feels new, uncertain.

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by Rebecca Vallas

Dear Capital One:

Rebecca here.

A few weeks ago I signed up for one of your credit cards. Just a few weeks after the card came in the mail, I got an email alert from you about a tip I had left. Here’s what it said:

We noticed you gave an extra generous tip on March 14, 2016, for your service at Mackey’s… We hope you left this tip because your service was exceptional. So if it’s not a mistake—or if you’ve already addressed it—there’s nothing you need to do. Have concerns about the tip? Just sign in to look at the charge in more detail. You can also contact Mackey’s directly if you need to…

I looked closer at your email to see I’d left $5 on a $14 bill.

While my tip may have exceeded 20% of the bill (the percentage conventionally considered to be a “good” tip), it was just an extra two bucks—and well within the realm of what I consider reasonable.

As a former server—and as someone who spends her days working to fight poverty and boost opportunity in America—I was struck by the great irony of receiving these emails in the weeks leading up to the 25th anniversary of the last time Congress raised the tipped minimum wage.

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Tony’s Barber Shop (Yelp.com)

by Kristen Barber

The barbershop holds a special place in American culture. With its red, white, and blue striped poles, dark naugahyde chairs, and straight razor shaves, the barbershop has been a place where men congregate to shore-up their stubble and get a handle on their hair. From a sociological perspective, the barbershop is an interesting place because of its historically homosocial character, where men spend time with other men. In the absence of women, men create close relationships with each other. Some might come daily to talk with their barbers, discuss the news, or play chess. Men create community in these places, and community is important to people’s health and well-being.

But is the barbershop disappearing? If so, is anything taking its place?

In my study of high-service men’s salons—dedicated to the primping and preening of an all male clientele—hair stylists described the “old school” barbershop as a vanishing place. They explained that men are seeking out a pampered grooming experience that the bare-bones barbershop with its corner dusty tube television doesn’t offer. The licensed barbers I interviewed saw these newer men’s salons as a “resurgence” of “a men-only place” that provides more “care” to clients than the “dirty little barbershop.” And those barbershops that are sticking around, said Roxy, one barber, are “trying to be a little more upscale.” She encourages barbers to “repaint and add flat-screen TVs.”

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hand_Sexual harassment

Ruben Diaz via Flickr (CC BY-NC-SA 2.0)

by Paula McDonald

Some of the most common images we have of sexual harassment are usually a man harassing a woman—think a male boss and female secretary, or male executive and female junior associate. But a recent study I conducted with my colleague Sara Charlesworth found that more than one in ten complaints of sexual harassment at work are reported by men.

The study, published in Work, Employment and Society, analysed sexual harassment complaints lodged with Australian equal opportunity commissions in a six month period, aiming to understand how and why less visible manifestations of workplace sexual harassment occur. The majority of cases (78.4 per cent) were female complaints against males. However, women were accused of sexually harassing men in 5 per cent of cases and men accused other men in 11 per cent of cases.

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