by Kumiko Nemoto

It might be expected that a surge in the number of highly educated women living in an advanced economy and under a democracy should increase gender equality in that society, including the number of women leaders in business. However, despite such a surge in Japan, it remains one of the least gender-equal advanced countries in the world, with women constituting only 11 percent of managers and only 3 percent of board members.

My new book asks why the number of women remains so low in upper management in Japanese companies in Japan.

The absence of women leaders in a workplace hierarchy and a large concentration of women at the bottom is known as vertical sex segregation. The vertical sex segregation of Japanese companies is closely related to corporate management, the employment structure, and institutional features that support corporate customs.

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Laurison and Friedman graph

UK Labour Force Survey July-October 2014 quarterly data, N=3377.

by Daniel Laurison and Sam Friedman

How “sticky” is your class of origin? That is, how much does the class you’re born in affect where you end up?

This is the question sociologists of social mobility seek to answer, and they almost always do it by looking at the association between parents and children on one measure of class position – occupation. Decades of this research show that social origin is a strong predictor of life outcomes – that is, there is much less intergenerational mobility than there would be if one’s class origin had no effect on one’s class destination.

But one limitation of this work is that it tends to assume that a person’s trajectory ends at the point they enter an occupation.

In our recent study, we take a different approach by looking at earnings among those in high-status jobs. We show that even when those from working-class backgrounds secure admission into Britain’s elite occupations, they don’t necessarily go on to achieve the same earnings as those from more privileged backgrounds. In other words, workers in the higher managerial and professional occupations experience a “class pay gap.”

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Then San Francisco 49ers quarterback Colin Kaepernick after a game (via ESPN)

Here is a collection of what we’ve been reading this week. Happy Friday!



After Anthem Protests, N.F.L. Plots a Careful Path Forward (New York Times)

Football has Always Been a Battleground in the Culture War (The Atlantic)

Football really is America’s religion. That’s what made the NFL protests so powerful. (Vox)


Puerto Rico

At the U. of Puerto Rico, Widespread Damage and Anxiety After Maria (The Chronicle)

The Jones Act, the obscure 1920 shipping regulation strangling Puerto Rico, explained (Vox)



Trans Teen’s Murder Case Raises Question: Do LGBTQ Hate Crime Laws Work? (NBC)

Trump Administration Will Urge Court to Rule Against Gay Workers’ Rights (NBC)

U.S. No Longer Playing Leading Role in UN’s LGBTQ Human Rights Group (NBC)


On Campus

Amid Professors’ ‘Doom-and-Gloom Talk,’ Humanities Ph.D. Applications Drop (The Chronicle)

Racist Symbols Are Found at American U. After Launch of Anti-Racist Center (The Chronicle)

Virginia Tech professor accused of scamming National Science Foundation (Washington Post)


Spatial Inequality

America’s Most and Least Distressed Cities (CityLab)

Why Texas Is No Longer Feeling Miraculous (New York Times)


by Laura Hanson Schlachter

The United States is experiencing an explosion of interest in worker cooperatives: firms owned and democratically governed by workers according to the principle of one worker, one vote.  According to a forthcoming report by the Democracy at Work Institute, two-thirds of American worker co-ops formed after 2000 and the sector has grown 8.5 percent since 2013.

Although some of the energy is coming from longtime employee ownership advocates, a surprising number of unions are also wading into the worker co-op development game.

Union interest was catalyzed, in part, by a 2009 agreement to promote union co-ops between the United Steelworkers (USW) and the Mondragon worker cooperatives in Spain.  The agreement marked a turning point in the debate about whether unions and worker co-ops are stronger together.  It also helped inspire a new generation of start-up efforts explicitly emulating the USW-Mondragon model.

Democratic worker ownership can offer employment stability, solidarity, wealth accumulation, and other benefits to workers.  Yet scaling up worker co-ops is no easy task.  Low formation rates, cultural individualism, lack of financing, and unwieldy governance structures are major constraints.

Can directly engaging unions in the worker cooperative formation process help make democratic worker ownership more widely available to workers?

In a recent study, I identify six possibilities and dilemmas of union involvement in worker cooperative development through a case study of the Cincinnati Union Co-op Initiative.  This nonprofit incubator has launched three union co-ops since 2011 and become a hub for efforts to implement the USW-Mondragon model across the country.

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Protesters in St. Louis on Monday, September 18 via The Chicago Tribune

Here is a selection of the news articles and essays we’ve been reading this week.


Policing in America

Shooting of Georgia Tech student stirs old debate, with new questions (Atlanta Journal-Constitution)

Audio released of 911 call by Georgia Tech student killed by police (Washington Post)

George Tech Cop Who Shot LGBT Student Scout Schultz Wasn’t Trained in Dealing with Mentally Ill (Newsweek)

White ex-St. Louis cop acquitted in black suspect’s killing (St. Louis Post-Dispatch)

Department of Justice won’t prosecute Stockley for civil rights violation (St. Louis Post-Dispatch)

St. Louis police have fatally shot 8 armed people this year – the highest number in a decade (St. Louis Post-Dispatch)

As St. Louis simmers over Stockley verdict civil rights leaders say region must address inequality (St. Louis Public Radio)

Review Board Recommends Stiffest Punishment for Officer in Garner Case (New York Times)


On Campus

What Ole Miss Can Teach Universities About Grappling With Their Pasts (The Atlantic)

What DACA’s End Could Mean for Colleges (The Atlantic)

Dust-Up Involving Conservative Student Sparks Political Uproar in Nebraska (The Chronicle)

A Free-Speech Divide: Why students and professors may think differently about free expression (The Chronicle)


Labor and Work

Induction of union-busting Reagan into Labor’s Hall of Honor shocks union (Washington Post)

Uber Loses Its License to Operate in London (New York Times)

Irma is Most Recent Stop for ‘Adrenaline Junkies’ of Disaster Rescue Team (New York Times)


Immigration in the U.S.

What the Waiting List for Legal Residency Actually Looks Like (The Atlantic)

Labor Unions Are Stepping Up To Fight Deportations (Huffington Post)


In Uniform

Building Mentorship Out of Trauma (The Atlantic)

For the first time, the Marine Corps plans to have a female infantry officer among its ranks (Washington Post)

Black Detectives in New York Were Bypassed for Promotions, Panel Finds (New York Times)

team of successful business people having a meeting in executive

by Laura Doering and Sarah Thébaud

Sociologists have long argued that we don’t just gender-stereotype individual men and women. We gender-stereotype jobs as well. For instance, we tend to think of firefighters as masculine and preschool teachers as feminine.

This kind of stereotyping has important implications for all kinds of labor market outcomes. It shapes applicant pools, hiring decisions, pay, and performance evaluations, among other things.

But how quickly do jobs get gender stereotyped in the first place? And to what extent do such stereotypes affect the authority that men and women experience? Our research reveals that when we attach gender stereotypes to jobs, both women and men can experience disadvantage.

In our recently published study, we looked at how clients responded to managers in a job that was not already gender-stereotyped because it was relatively new and gender-balanced in its composition: a commercial microfinance loan manager.

Since this job had no clear gender association, we reasoned that clients would treat the role as masculine or feminine based on the first person with whom they interacted. That is, if a client was first paired with a male manager, that client would come to treat the role as if it were a “man’s job.” And if a client was first paired with a woman, he or she would treat the role as if it were a “woman’s job.”

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Antifa activists in Oakland, CA before an action (via The Washington Post)

Here are some of the articles and essays we read this week. Happy Friday!


Gender and Work

Gender Bias Suit Could Boost Pay, Promotions for Women at Google (Wired)

Nikon Picked 32 Photographers to Promote a Camera. All 32 Were Men. (New York Times)


Contingent Labor

Meet the Camperforce, Amazon’s Nomadic Retiree Army (Wired)


Campus Life

Boston College Graduate Employees Union Wins Election, Gains Collective Bargaining Rights (The Heights)

From Prison to Ph.D.: The Redemption and Rejection of Michelle Jones (New York Times)

Is Free Speech Really Challenged on Campus? (The Atlantic)



What the Rich Won’t Tell You (New York Times)


No Fascist USA!

‘No Fascist USA!’: how hardcore punk fuels the Antifa movement (The Guardian)

Antifa: Guardians against fascism or lawless thrill-seekers? (Washington Post)

The Rise of Antifa (The Atlantic)


The Cajun Navy: Volunteers and Disasters

I downloaded an app. And suddenly, was part of the Cajun Navy. (Houston Chronicle)

Mother Of 9 Goes Door-To-Door As Part Of Yemen’s Anti-Cholera Brigade (NPR)

Finally, I came across an organization called Global D.I.R.T, which is mentioned in articles from The Washington Post on Hurricane Irma and U.S.A. Today on Hurricane Harvey.